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Category Archives: Efficiency and Equity

Welfare, efficiency, equity and possible conflicts; inequal-
ity and the socio-economic ‘gradient’; evaluating efficiency at system level: international comparisons in the developed world; techniques for measuring equity and inequity; evaluat- ing equity at system level: equity in financing arrangements; evaluating equity at system level: equity in service access and delivery; evaluating equity at system level: equity in the dis- tribution of health; institutional arrangements for efficiency and equity; implications for health care financing and delivery systems in the developed world; centralization and decentral- ization in health care; the role and regulation of markets in developed countries.

The potential of the super QALY to reconcile the key contentions in health economics

Economics is largely about trade-offs and compromise. Academics study the former but don’t often engage in the latter. In health economics, as in other fields, a key trade-off is between equity and efficiency. We’ve been studying this for a.very.long.time. Despite this, as Culyer has identified, equity is hardly considered in current health technology assessments. We all agree it should be, but just can’t seem to figure it out. Indeed, ihas been argued that incorporating equity concerns into cost-effectiveness analyses could still be a long time coming.

But let’s be a bit more positive. The elusive `Super QALY’, as it has been described, should come eventually. And when it does, it’ll be great! One of the reasons, I propose here, is that it has the power to reconcile many of the disagreements that currently fuel (hamper?) debate in our field. Hence, the super QALY might just allow us to get on with fussing over minutia issues of economic evaluation.

Trade-offs

There are necessary trade-offs in decisions of resource allocation. These might be described as the ‘positive’ tensions economists deal with; they relate to decisions that must be made, regardless of our values. The equity–efficiency trade-off is the main one here. But there are others. For example, health care interventions have the dual aim of increasing both the quantity and quality of an individual’s life. The QALY attempts to address this. However, the way we value quality of life also incorporates considerations of length of life in so much as ‘death’ is used in the valuation of health states. This is problematic, as has been discussed. Economists haven’t really gotten round to disagreeing about this yet, but there’s plenty else on which we disagree.

Disagreements

These might be described as ‘normative’ tensions. They concern what different economists think should and should not be done; mainly relating to the process of valuing health states. There are welfarists and non-welfarists. There are those who support societal preferences, and those who support capturing patient experience. It should be clear to most that neither side in these debates is wrong. Most health economists acknowledge the value of capturing utility as well as the importance of capabilities. Most will attach some value to society’s preferences and some to those of the individual.

A super-QALY solution

It’s never been completely clear what the ‘extra’ in extra-welfarism (as currently practiced) actually consists. The super QALY will surely formalise this; it could involve some completely non-welfarist notions. The most common idea of the super QALY is one where the current health-related QALY is weighted based on some equity considerations. So, if this is where economic evaluation is heading, we’re likely to end up with an extra step of estimating the equity impact of an intervention. But, while most studies seem to suggest that this might just be an add-on process, I think it would require a realignment of the methods we already use.

Equity analysis

There’s no need for me to reiterate the importance of equity considerations. Plainly we (economists, the public) care about needs, capabilities, opportunities and equality. How we define the equity analysis is incidental. More important is that we get on with doing it and just see what happens. There are lots of measures we could use and different approaches we could take. For arguments sake (and because I quite like it), let’s say the equity analysis is characterised by a ‘minimum capabilities‘ approach. Something similar to Daniels’s normal opportunity range. People could have the normal opportunity range, have fewer opportunities or have more opportunities. We can argue later about where the threshold lies. People below the threshold could be said to be in ‘need’. Again, argue about this later. States could be defined using a capabilities measure; let’s just say the ICECAP-A for now (though I don’t much like it). Here in the world of health economics we like 0-1 scales, so the ICECAP-A could be valued based on these anchors. So, let’s say 1 is the minimum capabilities or normal opportunity range threshold. Zero equates to being dead. Values can drop below zero where opportunity sets represent a state worse that non-existence. For the equity analysis we are not interested in utility or satisfaction, so the valuation would not be by the individual. Values could be elicited from society, possibly. The valuation technique could be a person trade-off, maybe. Or we could let ethicists come up with weightings. This framework, surely, would satisfy the non-welfarists.

Health utility analysis

I see no reason why the estimation of health benefits cannot be utility-based. Utilitarian satisfaction is sufficient if non-welfarist concerns are incorporated in an equity analysis. Personally I believe that whether this is based on experiences or preferences is largely inconsequential and that, in terms of health, most of the differences demonstrated between the 2 are a function of the elicitation methods. Therefore, utility analysis would remain largely unchanged. However, the value of 0 would change. Zero currently represents either being dead or in a health state equivalent to being dead, despite these two things not being of equivalent value to a person. Under the new framework there is no need to incorporate death into the health utility analysis, as it is accounted for in the equity analysis. 0 should represent the worst health state imaginable. There would be no negative values.

Cost-effectiveness analysis

These 2 analyses would then be combined to form a relatively routine cost-effectiveness analysis to address the efficiency of the intervention. The QALY would be calculated in the usual way, but the ‘Q’ would become ‘super’ by being a function of the 2 different outcomes. Tentatively this could be done by multiplying the two values (alternative formulations could be defined by societal values or by ethicists, depending on your wont). Costings would be carried out in the usual manner and a super ICER could be calculated. Furthermore, the net benefit approach could be implemented in the usual way; possibly with separate willingness-to-pay values for each input to the super QALY (indeed, they may be willingness to pay values from different agents). The table below summarises how the approach might accommodate the various tensions in health economics.

Equity analysis Health utility analysis
Equity Effectiveness
Life Morbidity
Non-welfarism Welfarism
Fulfilment Satisfaction
Society The individual

All public policies could be subject to an equity analysis in the way set out above. It is in no way health-specific. Each policy field could then us this to weight their usual outcomes measures – preferably utility-based – to estimate the cost-effectiveness of their intervention. At this point the super QALY makes it onto daytime TV and health economists form a new unelected chamber at the Palace of Westminster.

No doubt this explicitly extra-welfarist approach to the super QALY raises more questions than it is currently able to answer, but we need to get on with trying stuff like this. The super QALY has proven elusive to date but, if we do make it, it may solve a lot of our problems. We may find ourselves having to invent new things to argue about.

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To whom the benefits?

An argument that often comes up when it comes to the distribution of scarce health resources is who should receive them. Many different arguments are posed with varying degrees of sophistication. Various studies have elicited population preferences for distributing scarce health resources. Eliciting societal preferences for the distribution of resources is important but does not necessarily reveal the maxim by which decisions are made. People may favour the young over the old but is this because of a maxim to do with preferring those who have not had a ‘fair innings’ or because the returns to healthcare spending may be greater in the young due to the higher remaining life expectancy and increased economic output? It is important then to also bear in mind the arguments on which distributional decisions are founded. Perhaps, with a greater awareness of the objections and benefits of certain decision criteria, people may re-evaluate their choices.

In many countries, the allocation of health care is often more equal than other goods – it is ‘special’. Its ‘specialness’ can be seen since we would consider its distribution in isolation of other social goods to be morally significant. We would find it morally repugnant if access to health care was determined on the basis of income or assets while some inequality in income is not necessarily objectionable. Health care should therefore be treated differently from mere commodities, such as clothing or cars. Clearly then, equality is an important concern, but equality of what exactly?

Equality of opportunity

Norman Daniels argues that of central importance to health care is the maintenance of equality of opportunity.  Daniels asserts that health care protects the range of opportunities available to an individual – the way they can participate in social, political and economic life. He identifies this as a distinctly Rawlsian theory of justice as fairness. Importantly, he notes that this equality of opportunity is not based on happiness, welfare or utility. He considers this a strength and points out that disabled individuals often rank their welfare higher than do people imagining life with such a disability, or indeed someone with an acute illness. But, the disability may cause a loss to capabilities and opportunities that should be addressed regardless of welfare. This, he discusses, is a weakness of cost-utility analysis.

The equality of opportunity thesis may be subject to some objections. In contemporary society, gender and ethnicity still play a role in determining one’s opportunities. This then may provide an argument for providing gender reassignment surgery or skin colour alteration to those for whom there would be no medical benefit. Basing equality on welfare or utility may not be subject to the same objections since the effect of such a surgery both physically and in altering physical features important to personal identity may be significantly negative in terms of well-being.

Luck egalitarianism

One of the greatest debates in current political and economic discourse surrounding the distribution of health care resources is the importance of personal responsibility. A popular standpoint is one of luck egalitarianism (I have discussed this before). Health care should iron out the inequalities over which the individual has no personal control and beyond that the individual should be responsible for maintaining their own health. To see it from a different angle – if we had two individuals with the same health state the distribution of health care between them should be weighted by prudence. For example, if the driver and passenger of a car were admitted to hospital after a crash which may be considered the driver’s fault, even if it were just a momentary lapse in concentration, the passenger would have a greater claim to health care. However, in this situation, luck egalitarianism does admittedly seem too harsh. Supporters of this school of thought often argue that smokers, the obese, drug addicts and so forth have less of a right to health care, since they were aware of the risks of their actions but undertook them anyway.

I personally believe luck egalitarianism to not be an adequate account of justice. One’s physical reaction to heavy drinking or smoking is to a great extent determined by factors out of ones control, such as genes and socioeconomic factors. Pregnancy might be argued to have been a choice and so should not be supported under luck egalitarianism. Similarly, luck egalitarianism has difficulty distinguishing between reconstructive surgery and cosmetic surgery. An individual’s welfare may be affected by their appearance to some extent, something which they may have no control over, thus, providing cosmetic surgery would be supported.

The priority view

These previous accounts have all been of egalitarianism. However, egalitarianism faces an important objection, raised by Derek Parfit and others. The goal of egalitarianism in health care is to ensure an equality of opportunity or of utility, for example. However, this could easily be achieved by reducing the opportunities or utility of those at the top of the scale. This would certainly be rejected as a course of action. Parfit calls this the ‘leveling down’ objection. He revises egalitarianism and instead proposes prioritarianism or the ‘priority view’. Resources should be distributed in society weighted by where you are in the distribution – those at the bottom of the scale should receive greater benefits. This would reduce inequality while not being subject to the leveling down objection. In this situation, we could imagine a luck prioritarian position or modifying any of the other previously mentioned ideas.

England’s current system of allocation, as maintained by NICE, could be characterised as egalitarian. However, I might argue that it is only weakly egalitarian. It is not aiming to ensure everyone has the same level of utility; rather that everyone has the same opportunity to improve utility. In general, it does not take into account prudence or age or any other personal characteristics. This would have the effect of moving everyone’s health upward and would be egalitarian in the sense of reducing the gap between bottom and top, but this is only because there is a limit to the improvements healthcare can make (QALYs do not go higher than one). If there were no limit to health improvements our current system would not affect the distribution of health but shift everyone equally up the scale. I also believe that opportunity is also a concern as well as utility and since opportunity is correlated with health and quality of life, reducing inequality of one should reduce the inequality in the other. I think, then, that a prioritarian position is perhaps the most tenable – we should favour health care interventions that benefit the least healthy. What weights might be attached to the worst off is open to debate and the philosophical dilemmas to do with aggregating welfare still stand, but in any case, I think the priority view is better than our current system.

From health care to health

As a final note, I will say that I have only discussed the distribution of health care. More and more evidence is showing that as a determinant of overall health, health care is only a small contributor. Health care is ‘the ambulance waiting at the bottom of the cliff’. To extend the above theories to health rather than health care is problematic. We cannot redistribute health directly, so must redistribute the social determinants of health such as housing, income, autonomy in the workplace, etc. In this case, favouring a health distribution on the basis of ability to pay (favouring the poor) would not be morally repugnant. Does this mean the health is not a ‘special’ good, whereas health care is? It at least means that health should be treated differently to health care. In any case, evaluating these ethical and philosophical arguments can only strengthen the way we make these decisions. Perhaps ethics should be more widely taught to policy makers, economists, and others.

Read more

Arneson, R.J., 2000. Luck Egalitarianism and Prioritarianism. Ethics, 110(2), pp.339–349.

Daniels, N., 2001. Justice, health, and healthcare. The American journal of bioethics : AJOB, 1(2), pp.2–16.

Segall, S., 2010. Is Health (Really) Special? Health Policy between Rawlsian and Luck Egalitarian Justice. Journal of Applied Philosophy, 27(4), pp.344–358.

 
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Posted by on May 6, 2013 in Efficiency and Equity

 

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A comment on health inequality

A recent article by Benjamin Ho and Sita Nataraj Slavov, which I picked up via Marginal Revolution, argues that health inequality is falling. The argument is that life expectancy for the 1% dying at the bottom end of the age-at-death distribution has increased by more than the life expectancy for the 1% at the top. I’m struggling to think of much academic work being done to look at levels of health inequality in this way. However, I’m not sure what answering such questions could add.

Existing work

Plenty of work has been done on how to measure health inequality. It seems a pretty heinous crime to talk about health equality without mentioning Culyer and Wagstaff. More recently, new models of health inequality have been developed that bare varying levels of equivalence to a standard concentration curve (see herehereherehere etc). But the authors of the aforementioned article are really interested in pure health inequality, irrelevant of income or socio-economic indicators. Some work has been done here too (see here, here, here etc); indeed, the age-at-death distribution thing was done by Le Grand.

Pure health inequality

Health and income are very different in a number of ways, and it seems a misnomer to compare income inequality with health inequality. The most important difference, probably, is how society views the two. Society has some aversion to income inequality and also aversion to health inequality. However, we don’t just prefer a more equal distribution of health; we want equal full health (i.e. health maximisation). Assuming diminishing marginal returns to health care (in terms of health), we will tend to prioritise those in worse health and tend towards equality. I would argue that health can only increase indefinitely in terms of longevity. We may live longer and longer but I think ‘full health’ is a very real ceiling while we’re alive. It simply isn’t possible for a super-rich elite to develop in terms of health. What would these people be like? Bionic presumably, but that’s a different debate. Even if health could be amassed indefinitely it wouldn’t be, as health has no value in exchange.

For me (given society’s aversion to inequality, technological progress and a maximum level of health at any point in time), movement towards equal health seems inevitable. You don’t need to agree with the Grossman model to accept that health represents a kind of ‘stock’. It therefore bares more resemblance to wealth than to income. Health requires some effort to maintain, but not to the same degree as income. Ho and Slavov’s article also introduces the idea of a lottery; luck plays an important role here. Society reacts differently to an income shock (say, unemployment) than it does to a health shock (say, being hit by a car). As with income there might be fair and unfair inequalities, but either way society is going to attach more weight to reimbursing an individual’s loss of health than an individual’s loss of income (unless, maybe, the latter is a result of the former). The same applies to those dealt a nasty hand at birth. In countries where health care is dependent on ability to pay there will certainly be more of a link between health and income; and thus between health inequality and income inequality. In countries like the UK, income inequality seems less likely to affect health inequality.

Health is becoming more equal; I won’t disagree with that. But, for the reasons outlined above, this seems somewhat inevitable. I suppose that doesn’t mean we shouldn’t celebrate it, but it does raise into question the value of doing so when there are real discrepancies between different demographics’ health that need addressing.

Cynics may spot the benefit of such an approach for those at the top of the income distribution…

 

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