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#HEJC for 01/10/2012

This month’s (inaugural) meeting will take place Monday 1st October, at 8pm London time. That’ll be 3pm in New York City and 3am on Tuesday in Hong Kong. Join the Facebook event here. For more information about the Health Economics Twitter Journal Club and how to take part, click here.

The paper for discussion this month is published as an Early View article in Health Economics and the authors are Warren G. Linley and Dyfrig A. Hughes of Bangor University. The title of the paper is:

“Societal views on NICE, Cancer Drugs Fund and value-based pricing criteria for prioritising medicines: a cross-sectional survey of 4118 adults in Great Britain”

Following the meeting, a transcript of the discussion can be downloaded here.

Links to the article

Official: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/hec.2872/abstract

RePEc: tbc

Other: tbc

Summary of the paper

There is a lack of evidence regarding societal preferences over England’s Cancer Drugs Fund, and the criteria used by NICE in accepting higher incremental cost-effectiveness ratios for some drugs. The authors conduct a choice-based experiment, via web-based surveys, of 4118 UK adults in order to explore societal preferences for resource allocation criteria and a future value-based pricing system. Respondents were asked to allocated fixed funds across different disease areas and patient groups, reflecting nine prioritisation criteria. The researchers found that respondents supported the proposed criteria of value-based pricing, which included prioritisation of severe diseases, unmet needs and innovation. Respondents were found not to support the prioritisation of children or disadvantages populations; the use of an end-of-life premium; the Cancer Drugs Fund; or the special funding status of treatments for rare diseases.

Discussion points

  • Does the sample used, and the method adopted, represent true social preferences?
  • To what extent do these questionnaires, and their responses, inform a QALY framework?
  • Would a discrete choice experiment have been more appropriate?
  • Should the authors have applied population weightings to their sample?
  • Do the questions used in this study sufficiently isolate prioritisation preferences, or are they muddied by preferences for population health maximisation?
  • If this study demonstrates the unrepresentativeness of NICE’s Citizen Council, what is an alternative means of incorporating dynamic social values?
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Posted by on September 17, 2012 in #HEJC

 

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Considering time perception

In economic evaluations in health, time matters. More time in a bad health state is necessarily worse (or no better) than a smaller amount of time in said health state. Likewise, the value of an intervention increases with the duration of benefit. The standard QALY framework takes this into account. Furthermore, time preferences matter. Economists deal with this in a present value framework; discounting future costs and benefits. But there is another aspect of time which is not taken into account; time perception. Issues surrounding our perceptions of time recently appeared in the usual pop science outlets following the release of Claudia Hammond’s new book ‘Time Warped‘. As medical, neurological and psychological understandings of time perception improve, is it time economists weighed in?

Economists have considered the effects upon time perception of things like ‘awe‘ and the cognitive resource demands of tasks, while others have investigated the interaction between time preferences and time perceptions. It seems none have investigated the implications for an area in which time perceptions might play their most important role; health.

Why might it matter?

Time is an abstract idea, but economists rarely treat it as such. This means that people’s perceptions of time are overlooked. This may be a reasonable approach if we are working at the mean and people’s perceptions of time are consistent across health states. But what if they aren’t? Consider a basic illustrative QALY example:

  • Scenario A: 2 weeks in 0.8 health, followed by 2 weeks in full health
  • Scenario B: 1 week in 0.6 health, followed by 3 weeks in full health

Clearly these scenarios give the same QALY result. If one perceives time to pass more slowly in a worse health state then we might be able to add to the scenarios that in ‘A’ the first 2 weeks “feels like 3 weeks”, while in ‘B’ the first week “feels like 2 weeks”. If we were to weight the QALY values in these periods according to perceived time we would have a preference for scenario A. With these re-weightings, 2 weeks of 0.8 in scenario A would become equivalent to 2 weeks of 0.53, while 1 week of 0.6 in scenario B would become equivalent to 1 week of 0.3; increasing the difference between the two health states.

Applications

We all experience fluctuations in our own time perception. Time flies when we’re having fun. It might fly when we’re healthy too. It may be the case that a general and testable model of time perception exists in health. The most likely relationship seems to be that being in poorer health would be associated with a perception of time moving more slowly. There may also be differences in time perception between different groups of people (men and women, children and the elderly) that we may or may not want to adjust for. Some interesting implications of time perceptions for the burden of waiting times have already been identified.

Particular health conditions can affect an individual’s perception of time, and this is where the consideration of time perceptions could be crucial. Children with ADHD, for example, have been shown to perceive time in very different ways to those without ADHD. Likewise, cancer patients with evidence of disease have been found to perceive time as progressing more slowly, compared with those without. If a condition causes individuals to perceive time to move more slowly in a consistent and measurable way, then specific rules could be established to assign greater weight to treatments for said condition.

Implications

The relationships above are all testable and quantifiable. Time perceptions can be easily tested by denying well and unwell patients access to a clock and calendar, and then asking them about the ways in which they perceived their time in these states. It is important to note that during these times our perception of time may be affected by other things; whether we are confined to a hospital bed, stuck in the office or asleep at home. All of these things could be controlled for in an experiment.

The real question is whether or not we (the public) want to take this into account or not. If the public’s stated preferences do not reflect the effects of time perception then should we artificially weight their preferences to do so? The issue seems analogous to that of adaptation (to which time perceptions would no doubt be subject!). Public valuations of the effects of time perceptions could be captured with the usual time trade-off, standard gamble or discrete choice experiment techniques. One difficulty would be in ensuring that there is no double-counting. It seems likely that this would not apply in the specific applications, where the general public’s valuations would not consider ADHD’s effects on time perception, for example. However, it seems possible (likely, even) that the general public would consider time perception effects associated with being generally unwell.

Perceptions of time have been discussed in economic and health economic literature in respect to experienced utility and biases of memory in retrospective valuations. There has been little contribution to theories about individuals’ present time perception. I believe it may be time for these ideas to be explored further, particularly in relation to specific health conditions, and applied to preferences and expected utility in health.

How do you see time perceptions influencing quality of life? To what extent do you think differences in time perception either could or should influence health care decision making? Please comment below.

 

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Cancer drugs and public preferences

Last year the UK government announced the establishment of a £600 million cancer drug fund, to be spent over 3 years. This represents a minuscule amount of money compared to the NHS’s annual budget, which is in excess of £100,000,000,000. However, it demonstrates the government’s preference for expenditure on the treatment of cancer over and above other terminal diseases such as multiple sclerosis (MS). Laura Weir of the MS Society recently spoke out in opposition to this special treatment of cancer. I tend to agree with her view, but am I justified?

Public preferences

In recent years an increasing number of newspaper column inches have been dedicated to criticising NICE for rejecting expensive cancer drugs because they are not deemed cost-effective. If we believe the media then the nation is in outrage about this. The prevailing ‘ideology’ in health economics is to evaluate interventions based on the extent to which they satisfy the preferences of the public. This is done by calculating the number of QALYs gained from an intervention and assigning a monetary value to this gain. The government has now implicitly increased this monetary value for cancer drugs, making them more likely to be deemed cost-effective. If we support the use of public preferences, and if the public support extra spending on cancer, then surely we must in turn also support the fund?

Preference for cancer drugs?

The question is whether society is willing to pay more for a drug that helps cancer patients than for a drug that improves or extends the life of anybody else. Is there really a public preference for spending on cancer drugs? I suspect there is, even if this preference has been reinforced and possibly created by the media. To my knowledge there has not been any significant research in this area. If such research did show a preference then it may justify an increased willingness to pay for cancer drugs.

And what about MS?

As somebody whose life has been affected by MS, but not by cancer, I may be bias. Or not. But I believe that expenditure on drugs should be based on the benefit they provide to an individual. Presumably the preference for cancer drugs, if not completely media-driven, is down to the large number of people affected by the disease. When it comes to the amount of money to be spent at an individual level it seems illogical to allow decisions about this to be guided by prevalence. Let’s remember we are not talking about research here, but the fact that an individual with cancer will be allowed to buy expensive (read: less cost-effective) drugs, while somebody with MS will not. I believe this is wrong. But then, I believe that the use of public preferences is not ideal.

Resources are scarce and for every expenditure there is an opportunity cost. An increase in our willingness to pay for the benefits of cancer drugs, at the extreme, leads to a decrease in spending on all other health care interventions. The cancer drug fund raises many questions, not least the possibility that a QALY may no longer be a QALY but may be a cancer-QALY. I believe this is dangerous territory.

Does this issue leave you questioning public preferences? Should we be prioritising treatment for cancer? Or is this all simply a fabrication by the media?

 
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Posted by on December 2, 2011 in Health and its Value

 

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