RSS

Tag Archives: elderly

The ethics of doing nothing

Can we reasonably consider ‘doing nothing’ as an alternative course of action? In many cost-effectiveness analyses the intervention under consideration is compared against a ‘doing nothing’ scenario, although frequently the next best alternative is used. Ultimately the health technology assessment carried out by NICE is an informative effort and the final decision is made by the budget holder. However, NICE makes each assessment in isolation of each other and so prioritising treatments is left to the budget holder. But can the budget holder choose a ‘do nothing’ option, and should this option be considered at all in cost-effectiveness analysis?

This may come down to an issue on the role of the health care system in general. One of the principle tenets of NICE and the NHS is justice (the others being beneficence, non-maleficence, and autonomy). This NHS justice, it seems, is a sense of justice as described by John Rawls – justice as fairness. Justice as fairness is founded on two points – liberty and equality, that everyone should have the same right to basic liberties, and that inequalities should be arranged to benefit the worst off in society to ensure distributive justice. Both of these principles are satisfied by the idea of access to health care based on need and regardless of ability to pay.

We use cost-effectiveness analysis to best allocate resources, so that we all get the greatest gain for our limited resources, but that does not necessarily ensure that the worst off get priority.

In the end it comes down to a deontologism versus consequentialism debate. Deontologism dictates that there are certain moral rules that must be followed, or as Kant described them ‘categorical imperatives’, and these rules can be reached through logical reasoning and must be universal. In this case, for example, if doing nothing were universally permissible for health care professionals then it would be permissible for no-one to be treated which would negate the existence of the health care professional in the first place. So, if we say that all those with needs must be treated, this may be a deontological stance. However, we do not provide services for all those with needs, and it may be practically impossible to do so. Health care provision is proportional to need, but those with the least needs generally have to pay for their own services, unless they are sufficiently poor, for example, dentistry.

Now, if we consider health care provision to be philosophically consequentialist, can we allow a ‘do nothing’ option? Many thought experiments exist to exercise consequentialist ethics. Consider a runaway train, it’s careering down the track towards a station in which there are ten people who will die if the train gets there, you are on the train and have the option to switch tracks to divert the train away from the station. However, there are three men working on the line on the other track who will die if you pull the lever. Do you pull the lever? One argument, the utilitarian one, would say yes. The total loss would be smaller on the other track, we would therefore be maximising the total utility from the situation. Another argument may say though that not pulling the lever is the only option since if you did the deaths of the three men would be your responsibility but in doing nothing you would be morally neutral. This is a form of egoistic consequentialism. Under both these arguments a health care provider could do nothing, in the first case if utility was maximised by treating others and in the second case because the health care provider is not morally responsible for a person’s health care state in the first place.

There are objections to this line of reasoning. Peter Singer describes a situation to illustrate an objection to this. Imagine you are walking home one day. As you walk you pass a pond in which a child is drowning. The pond is not very deep and you could walk in and save the child, bearing no tangible risk to your own life. In this case the choice of inaction would lead to the child’s death, and you surely could be held responsible for that. The choice of doing nothing, then, does not negate responsibility. Moreover, if the budget holder is the government, there are certainly arguments which may attribute to them a certain responsibility for poor health in the population (consider the relationship between the macroeconomy and health).

The key issue that remains is opportunity cost. The only reasonable argument for doing nothing is that the time and resources could be better spent elsewhere, and cost-effectiveness analysis provides us with the information to know where it is best spent. However, in reality, no patient would be left to die if they turned up to a hospital and could be saved, and many adult intensive care units intervene in ways that are not cost-effective as per the NICE definition. The end of life is the most difficult to deal with, research has shown that people value a change from 0.2-0.4 QALYs more than they value a change from 0.6-0.8 QALYs. Many expensive life prolonging cancer drugs are not funded by the NHS, but there are cases of successful lobbying to have these drugs reimbursed despite their lack of cost-effectiveness. This could lead us to conclude that doing nothing is fine as long as it does not kill the patient (or allow the patient to die, depending on your stance) in which case we should always intervene. It is unfair to ask a health care professional not to act, since, as detailed, it is their responsibility if their patient dies through inaction.

For the most part, everybody is provided with the necessary treatment when they are in need. It’s really only at the end of life the problem of opportunity cost is apparent due to the high cost of interventions. Perhaps the answer lies in allowing NICE to negotiate the price of drugs, although this would not necessarily lead to price reductions since companies would be incentivised to pitch drugs at an even higher price knowing that they will be negotiated down to their acceptable price. To the contrary though it may be argued that this constitutes inaction on the part of NICE, and by negotiating (or at least trying to) they could allow more people to survive. Another issue is that the few months that are gained by (usually expensive) end of life treatment are usually in very poor quality. From an Aristotelian perspective this would not be a virtuous choice, as we would not be achieving ‘the good life’, and what’s more, Aristotle says, no-one would actually choose this state of suffering unless they were defending a philosophical position.

In the end we may defend ‘doing nothing’ as a choice as it may be necessary in the face of opportunity cost, and it is always better to know the outcomes from as many scenarios as possible when modelling it in simulation based studies. However, in practice ‘doing nothing’ may not be realisable, since the fear of death may prohibit people from accepting this option. Perhaps there is a case for allocating more resources to health care from other areas of public spending, which there certainly is a case for. What would be ideal would be a quantifiable way of measuring the benefit from all government spending and then choosing the health care budget based on this. But this is definitely a long way from reality.

About these ads
 
4 Comments

Posted by on February 16, 2012 in Economic Evaluation

 

Tags: , , , , , ,

Health and retirement policy

Last week a significant chunk of the UK public sector went on strike. It was over pensions. This isn’t the first of its kind, and it certainly won’t be the last. As the government tries to deal with an ageing population (and imaginary deficit-reduction responsibilities), it is set on a policy of reducing pensions and increasing the retirement age. Clearly this is not a sustainable policy. It seems to me time for health economists to weigh in on this issue and inform a much needed revolution in retirement policy. From a health perspective there are a number of things to consider here; these can be broadly divided in to considerations of efficiency and equity.

Efficiency of retirement policy

There are societal costs (and benefits) relating to retirement, as well as potential health implications for the individual. Two papers were published recently on the issue of whether retirement is beneficial or detrimental to an individual’s health. One of the papers demonstrated that retirement makes people less likely to report bad health, while the other showed that retirement can induce ill-health. If we believe the former then it might be more efficient to offer people earlier retirement, while if we believe the latter there would be efficiency arguments to the contrary. Unfortunately the papers don’t use comparable outcomes; neither using a generic measure of health to capture the health effect of retirement. A second limitation is that neither take in to account the societal costs (or benefits) of retirement. To my knowledge no study exists that fills these gaps.

An ideal analysis might investigate the health impact of retirement alongside the health-related costs and wider societal impacts. If it were the case, for example, that effectively forcing people to remain in work was damaging to their health, it may be more cost-effective to allow them to retire earlier. This seems quite feasible. Clearly, capturing these figures could be difficult, but hope may lie in large studies such as The Health and Retirement Study, which holds many data on the health of people over 50; particularly useful are those relating to their use of health care services and their previous employment. If we were to find that retirement leads to better health and a reduced usage of health care services then current government policies to increase the retirement age may be a very bad idea.

Equitability of retirement policy

There are also some equity concerns when it comes to retirement, as highlighted in a recent editorial news article. The key problem here is that poorer people die younger. As health economists it is also relevant to us that poorer people also tend to be less healthy. The implication of this is that a richer person’s retirement would be longer, and characterised by better health, than a poorer person’s. As such an increase in the retirement age may be disproportionately detrimental to the poor.

I am not suggesting that health economics should dominate this policy area, clearly health is only one aspect of interest. But as we know, health is an important one. There seems to be an assumption amongst decision makers that as people are getting older, people need to work longer. However, it seems safe to assume that when there is a step increase in the retirement age there is not an equivalent increase in the number of jobs available. Here the government’s logic falls down. It seems to me that the health impact of retirement is a reasonable starting point in the evaluation of such policies and the development of new (evidence-based) ones.

Do you believe retirement really can have a definitive impact on health? Should health economists play a part in the formation of policy in this area? Please comment below.

 

Tags: , , , , , ,

Equal care for the elderly: A swing and a miss?

This month the Equality Act 2010 was accepted by the Department of Health here in the UK, with no amendments. The NHS can no longer discriminate based on age (aside from a few reasonable exceptions). But can this new legislation actually make any difference? An interesting article from Age UK suggests possibly not.

Why are the elderly treated so badly?

I agree with Age UK. Legislation is not what was lacking; the NHS as an organisation does not promote age discrimination. As an institution it does not provide incentives to discriminate by age (not that I know of anyway). I believe the problem exists on a personal level, in the attitude of health care professionals. The elderly are perceived as being less deserving of care than their more recently born counterparts. In fairness to said health care professionals, I don’t think they are entirely to blame for this. Society values the elderly less. From a human capital perspective the elderly are certainly less valuable to society. Caring for the elderly is also far less efficient; they require greater care, at a greater cost, with a reduced capacity to benefit. They might also have fewer family and friends around them; we might expect a young mother to attract a greater standard of care than an old lady with no dependants. So why should we treat the elderly equally? Well, because it’s right, it’s fair, it’s equitable. Efficiency is not paramount when it is at the expense of equitable outcomes.

The effect of legislation

But the legislation will not work. Legislation CAN change attitudes, but not nearly quick enough. I’m sure many of you have read Freakonomics and its sequel, Superfreakonomics. The latter draws attention to the effect of seat belt legislation in the USA. Most US states introduced seat belt legislation around 1987, when usage was about 42%. 5 years later, in 1992, seatbelt usage was only 62%. 20 years later seat belt use in the USA was still only 82%. And putting on a seat belt is a behaviour that is far more easily changed than your attitude towards care for the elderly.

So, while this legislation is a nice thought, what we really need is a program of education and training for health care professionals, that shows them the importance of good care for the elderly. Even more effective might be a set of incentives, possibly financial, to encourage a high standard of care for the elderly in order to level the playing field. EVEN MORE effective might be a set of disincentives to prevent negligence.

Implications for health economics

I feel that this is a difficult area for health economics; a study so ardently striving for efficiency in health care. Clearly an analysis of the impact of this legislation would be of interest in the future. More generally I think there is a need to develop methods that are able to incorporate the importance of a good standard of care, regardless of treatment outcomes. It would also be good to see health economists evaluating the impact of possible interventions to really improve standard of care of the elderly; such as incentives and training for health care professionals.

So, is this the right course of action? Or is it another useless government PR move? What do you think health economists should be doing to help combat this problem?

 
4 Comments

Posted by on March 9, 2011 in Efficiency and Equity

 

Tags: , , , , , ,

 
Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.

Join 522 other followers

%d bloggers like this: