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A comment on health inequality

A recent article by Benjamin Ho and Sita Nataraj Slavov, which I picked up via Marginal Revolution, argues that health inequality is falling. The argument is that life expectancy for the 1% dying at the bottom end of the age-at-death distribution has increased by more than the life expectancy for the 1% at the top. I’m struggling to think of much academic work being done to look at levels of health inequality in this way. However, I’m not sure what answering such questions could add.

Existing work

Plenty of work has been done on how to measure health inequality. It seems a pretty heinous crime to talk about health equality without mentioning Culyer and Wagstaff. More recently, new models of health inequality have been developed that bare varying levels of equivalence to a standard concentration curve (see herehereherehere etc). But the authors of the aforementioned article are really interested in pure health inequality, irrelevant of income or socio-economic indicators. Some work has been done here too (see here, here, here etc); indeed, the age-at-death distribution thing was done by Le Grand.

Pure health inequality

Health and income are very different in a number of ways, and it seems a misnomer to compare income inequality with health inequality. The most important difference, probably, is how society views the two. Society has some aversion to income inequality and also aversion to health inequality. However, we don’t just prefer a more equal distribution of health; we want equal full health (i.e. health maximisation). Assuming diminishing marginal returns to health care (in terms of health), we will tend to prioritise those in worse health and tend towards equality. I would argue that health can only increase indefinitely in terms of longevity. We may live longer and longer but I think ‘full health’ is a very real ceiling while we’re alive. It simply isn’t possible for a super-rich elite to develop in terms of health. What would these people be like? Bionic presumably, but that’s a different debate. Even if health could be amassed indefinitely it wouldn’t be, as health has no value in exchange.

For me (given society’s aversion to inequality, technological progress and a maximum level of health at any point in time), movement towards equal health seems inevitable. You don’t need to agree with the Grossman model to accept that health represents a kind of ‘stock’. It therefore bares more resemblance to wealth than to income. Health requires some effort to maintain, but not to the same degree as income. Ho and Slavov’s article also introduces the idea of a lottery; luck plays an important role here. Society reacts differently to an income shock (say, unemployment) than it does to a health shock (say, being hit by a car). As with income there might be fair and unfair inequalities, but either way society is going to attach more weight to reimbursing an individual’s loss of health than an individual’s loss of income (unless, maybe, the latter is a result of the former). The same applies to those dealt a nasty hand at birth. In countries where health care is dependent on ability to pay there will certainly be more of a link between health and income; and thus between health inequality and income inequality. In countries like the UK, income inequality seems less likely to affect health inequality.

Health is becoming more equal; I won’t disagree with that. But, for the reasons outlined above, this seems somewhat inevitable. I suppose that doesn’t mean we shouldn’t celebrate it, but it does raise into question the value of doing so when there are real discrepancies between different demographics’ health that need addressing.

Cynics may spot the benefit of such an approach for those at the top of the income distribution…

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Some comments on obesity

A recent post over at Ezra Klein’s excellent Wonkblog caught my attention, both for being a post about a health economics issue, but also due to comments users had posted below. The post is about a recent set of projections about obesity and reports that there are new estimates that the burden of obesity in the US, if current trends continued, will be $550 billion over the next two decades. But this could be cut by almost 10% if trends continued 5% slower than they currently do. While this raises awareness of the importance of targeting healthcare interventions at preventing obesity and the diseases associated with obesity such as diabetes, it also raises important questions about responsibility for health. The comments section raises some important points:

MikeSoja wrote:

It wouldn’t cost “us” a dime, if “we” weren’t forced to pay it.

How about fat people pay for their own problems?

This, perhaps uneloquent, point illustrates the quite common opinion that behaviour matters. Those individuals to whom a causal responsibility could be assigned for their condition, such as smokers, should have a smaller right to healthcare resources. The negative externality that arises from unhealthy food may be countered with a Pigouvian tax – fat people ‘paying for their own problems’. One country, Denmark, is already trying this by taxing butter. However, this tax is foolish – it is not butter consumption that leads to obesity! People are becoming ever more aware that it is refined carbohydrates that are more to blame. So, should a tax be placed on these products?

Obesity, and other diseases that may be viewed as being caused by personal behaviour, are more prevalent among the poor. A tax on the products consumed more by the poor (inferior goods) would be regressive and would contribute to inequality. You might argue that the (threat of) restriction to healthcare is enough to reduce consumption of these harmful goods, but, it is unlikely that that threat will make much difference, particularly since the negative effects occur in the future and time preference matters. This could lead you to the comment made by AnonymousBE1:

But, if obesity affects mortality, which it does on average, then there will be huge cost savings in terms of unpaid Social Security and other pensions. In addition, people who live longer do not have less expensive final years – it’s just that those final years come later. Obesity is a quality of life issue, but I am not convinced that it is a fiscal issue….

This is a salient point, and it is something which health economists know much about. But as liamdc710 points out (in not a strictly polite way):

Your analysis is as stupid as those who say smokers save people money because they die young from cancer. In fact, far fewer than half of smokers die from cancer at an age younger than the national life expectancy. For the majority of obese Americans, much like smokers, insurance companies, families, and the public health systems in place will see increasing expenditures on related diseases that require expensive life long treatment.

To which AnonymousBE1 replied:

Okay, well, there needs to be comparison studies of LIFETIME expenses, medical and pension and disability.

I think this final point is something on which most economists would agree. But, even if costs are greater for the obese, does this mean they have less of a right to quality of life?

Many commentators ascribe to a luck egalitarian point of view whereby health differences that are due to sheer luck should be ‘evened out’ after which personal responsibility should play a role – we should be responsible for the consequences of our actions. It is what John Roemer calls ‘the cost of freedom’. However, how individuals respond to the same diet or lifestyle is often a matter of sheer luck; an individual’s genetic lot plays a big role in their propensity for obesity or the damage they receive from alcohol, for example. Separating luck from behaviour is highly difficult, if not impossible. Furthermore, saying that an individual ought to behave in a certain way or else face the consequences does not necessarily mean that an individual can behave in that way.

arm3a posted:

Man, is this troubling. Looks like a Pigouvian moment to me.

Perhaps it is, but I think it comes down to what you view the function of the health system to be. Some view it as an insurance system. So those most likely to require healthcare should pay more which could be funded by such a Pigouvian tax. But, I believe a national healthcare system acts more as a system of redistribution. As I have mentioned in a previous post, health is a special good and a precondition for achieving any of the things we have reason to want in life. The socioeconomic differences in unhealthy behaviours are large. Working class men smoke more than the middle classes. But these differences in behaviour only account for some of the socioeconomic differences in health outcomes. We should see reducing inequalities as a greater social responsibility than punishing those who become ill partly as a result of their behaviour.

 

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Rationing and deprivation in risk sharing schemes

Here in the UK, NICE sometimes advises against the provision of particular drugs, by the NHS, on the grounds that evidence does not indicate them to be cost-effective. In some cases it appears that these ‘rejections’ are the result of insufficient data rather than comprehensive data against the use of the drug. On occasion the Department of Health has followed such decisions with a trial-in-practice patient access scheme; what are known as Risk Sharing Schemes. These allow for the provision of the drug, following an agreement with the manufacturer, and the possibility for evidence development.

One well-publicised risk sharing scheme is the Multiple Sclerosis Risk Sharing Scheme. The outcomes of this trial-in-practice remain uncertain, but the scheme has been described as a “costly failure“. In a study of participant data, a recent article demonstrated that the likelihood of individuals being offered treatment, as a part of the MS Risk Sharing Scheme, was positively related to their socio-economic status. This raises questions about the value of the results from a ‘trial-in-practice’ such as this.

Rationing and deprivation

That individuals’ deprivation levels or economic status can be a determinant of prescribing decisions is a well-documented phenomenon. Evidence exists in relation to treatment for colorectal cancer, glaucomalung cancer and the prescription of statins and antidementia drugs. Health economists often suppose that the most deprived individuals are also those most in need of health care, but the evidence from all the studies mentioned above highlights deprivation level as being a negative predictor of the levels of care received. In some cases there is good reason for this; those who are more deprived can sometimes tend to present later when care would be less effective, and there may also be relevant issues surrounding health literacy. However, in other cases such an explanation is not so obvious.

Experimental evidence

Trudy Owens and co’s study shows that risk sharing schemes can demonstrate similar characteristics, which I believe to be a point of concern. I would suggest that such schemes as the MS Risk Sharing Scheme can only be justified if they seek to produce experimental evidence of the cost-effectiveness of the intervention. Without this they will be little more than a back door means of provision for drugs that have not been demonstrated to be cost-effective. It seems obvious to me, therefore, that this research and experimental evidence, and the schemes themselves, must conform to a good study design. One would not tolerate a study that allowed practitioners to pick and choose individuals for treatment based on their subjective expectation of success. While this may contribute to the manufacturer’s aims of finding a cost-effective use of their drug it is hardly good science. If such a drug were accepted on to formularies, would doctors continue to (inadvertently or otherwise) discriminate based on deprivation status? Quite possibly, but we’d certainly highlight this as a problematic issue and it would be one reinforced by the poor quality trial-in-practice of the risk sharing scheme.

While some papers offer advice on the design and administration of risk sharing and evidence development schemes, there appear to be no studies addressing the problems caused by discrimination and rationing. It seems to me that there is a substantial gap in the research if we are to prevent risk sharing schemes becoming publicly-funded bad science.

Do you see value in risk sharing schemes? Are they likely to be more representative of practice than randomised trials? Is deprivation a reasonable basis for rationing?

 
1 Comment

Posted by on March 7, 2012 in Efficiency and Equity

 

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