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The Lucas critique and hospital quality

In 1976, Robert Lucas wrote a paper that articulated a common criticism of macroeconomic policy-making based on historical data. The essence of the critique was that, since the parameters of macroeconometric models were not structural, they were liable to change when other aspects of the system changed. A policy change could alter the parameters of the model; invalidating conclusions about the effects of that policy change. As one example, Lucas discussed the effect of income on consumption: a consumer, being aware of a policy change that will affect her income, will adjust her consumption with the expectation of the policy change. Thus, consumption decisions will change and will not necessarily reflect the historical relationship between income and consumption.

Lucas accepted that in the short run the estimated relationships may hold but showed that in the long run these estimated relationships were invalid. As a remedy he suggested that the focus should be on microfoundations; identifying the structural factors that determine individual decisions. But, how does this relate to hospital quality?

Estimating hospital quality is an important task for policy-makers although it is fraught with difficulty and controversy. Hospital quality may be examined in two different ways: as the effect of the hospital on the clinical outcomes of its patients (when compared to the average hospital), which we can call ‘outcomes quality’, or how well a hospital meets clinical guidelines and performs mandated tests or procedures, which we can refer to as ‘process quality’. When we conduct research into, for example, the effect of hospital volume on patient outcomes, what we are trying to uncover is how volume affects hospital outcomes quality. A policy maker wants to know how she can influence hospital quality by changing certain aspects of hospital organisation.

Recent evidence has suggested that increased competition between hospitals leads to an increase in outcomes quality, although only under fixed prices (for a recent, interesting blog on the topic including links to papers, see here). One paper showed that in areas where patients had greater choice, mortality rates and length of stay were, on average, less. This suggests that hospitals are improving in order to attract more patients. But, and this is where the Lucas critique enters, publishing information on quality will affect healthcare consumers’ decisions about which hospital to go to. Evidence is limited on the causes and correlates of hospital quality; if the higher quality hospital appears to be of high quality, its casemix, patient volume, and other variables may change. And these are the very variables that may cause the difference in hospital outcomes quality.

Studies of quality may take this change of casemix into account using appropriate controls in their analysis. In this case we may be confident that the results will hold in the short run. But, as individual preferences change, and healthcare consumers and hospitals adapt, the parameters of the model may change – they are not invariant to our policy.

Contributing to the problem, the commonly published hospital quality statistics may not be reliable. Even with casemix adjustment, the typically relied-upon measures, such as the standardised mortality ratio (SMR), may be inadequate. Mohammed et al. (2009) assessed the case mix adjustment commonly used to determine the SMR and found that, due to differences in admissions policies and coding, the effects of different variables in the casemix adjustment differed between hospitals, leading them to conclude:

“Claims that variations in hospital standardised mortality ratios from Dr Foster Unit reflect differences in quality of care are less than credible.”1

This also adds weight to the Lucas critique; these differing admissions policies will themselves be affected by a change in patient casemix that may occur due to increased competition. This would affect the validity of the casemix adjustment used in studies of hospital quality.

This is not a criticism of the validity of hospital quality studies, rather an emphasis on the importance of microfoundations. Unless we understand the factors that determine hospital quality and patient choice we cannot be sure of the long term effects of policies that, for example, affect hospital competition.

1Dr Foster Unit are one of the key providers of hospital quality stats in the UK

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#HEJC for 01/10/2012

This month’s (inaugural) meeting will take place Monday 1st October, at 8pm London time. That’ll be 3pm in New York City and 3am on Tuesday in Hong Kong. Join the Facebook event here. For more information about the Health Economics Twitter Journal Club and how to take part, click here.

The paper for discussion this month is published as an Early View article in Health Economics and the authors are Warren G. Linley and Dyfrig A. Hughes of Bangor University. The title of the paper is:

“Societal views on NICE, Cancer Drugs Fund and value-based pricing criteria for prioritising medicines: a cross-sectional survey of 4118 adults in Great Britain”

Following the meeting, a transcript of the discussion can be downloaded here.

Links to the article

Official: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/hec.2872/abstract

RePEc: tbc

Other: tbc

Summary of the paper

There is a lack of evidence regarding societal preferences over England’s Cancer Drugs Fund, and the criteria used by NICE in accepting higher incremental cost-effectiveness ratios for some drugs. The authors conduct a choice-based experiment, via web-based surveys, of 4118 UK adults in order to explore societal preferences for resource allocation criteria and a future value-based pricing system. Respondents were asked to allocated fixed funds across different disease areas and patient groups, reflecting nine prioritisation criteria. The researchers found that respondents supported the proposed criteria of value-based pricing, which included prioritisation of severe diseases, unmet needs and innovation. Respondents were found not to support the prioritisation of children or disadvantages populations; the use of an end-of-life premium; the Cancer Drugs Fund; or the special funding status of treatments for rare diseases.

Discussion points

  • Does the sample used, and the method adopted, represent true social preferences?
  • To what extent do these questionnaires, and their responses, inform a QALY framework?
  • Would a discrete choice experiment have been more appropriate?
  • Should the authors have applied population weightings to their sample?
  • Do the questions used in this study sufficiently isolate prioritisation preferences, or are they muddied by preferences for population health maximisation?
  • If this study demonstrates the unrepresentativeness of NICE’s Citizen Council, what is an alternative means of incorporating dynamic social values?
 
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Posted by on September 17, 2012 in #HEJC

 

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The role of healthcare in promoting health equity

Why should we consider health equity? The rationale for treating health as a special good rests on the idea that a certain level of health is a precondition for achieving any of the other outcomes in life that we value. Sen identifies that health contributes to a person’s ability to choose the life she has reason to value. Our functioning is impaired by disability and particularly by death; Andrew Marvel writes in a 1681 poem, ‘The grave’s a fine and private place,/ But none, I think, do there embrace.’ As such we value health equity, but what then is the role of healthcare in promoting health equity?

In the UK we take pride in the idea of a health service that provides healthcare only on the basis of need. It is important then that there is equitable access to healthcare; everyone should have an equal capability of benefiting from that health care. It would be a poor state of affairs if socioeconomic variables, such as income, determined a person’s access to healthcare rather than need. But socioeconomic factors do determine need. As an example (there are many examples to have, consider much of the work by Sir Michael Marmot), women from areas of high deprivation are far more likely to have premature, sick babies (see here) but given the characteristics that determine need (such as gestational age, congenital anomalies etc.) the provision of care and rate of mortality is the same (see here). So deprivation goes some way to determining the characteristics that affect mortality but not the access to care or clinical outcomes conditional on need. We might therefore judge healthcare to have played its role in health equity; the social issue of health inequalities is not a concern for healthcare since there is nothing it can do beyond treating patients fairly.

It is quite possible to argue that we should favour poor people since this would reduce overall health inequalities in the whole population. Alan Williams’s idea of a ‘fair innings’ would seem to support this. The fair innings argument says that everybody has a right to a certain quality adjusted life expectancy and we should favour interventions to support this. But, as Williams points out, there is a gender difference in health outcomes; women live longer than men. As Williams says ‘We males are not getting a fair innings!’ But we certainly would object to a system where we systematically favoured men over women; health equity cannot be judged in isolation of ideas of fairness.

One of the most pervasive arguments against cost-effectiveness analysis (CEA), and utilitarianism in general, is that it is distribution blind. Williams’s argument was an attempt to find a solution to that. But in terms of equity in relation to socioeconomic factors, the poorest are normally the sickest (whichever way the arrow of causality may lie). The current system does not favour the sickest; a gain of 0.2 QALYs is treated the same for a person at 0.1 or 0.7 QALYs. Derek Parfit suggests that one way of reducing inequality would be to reduce the standard of those at the top. However, while this may increase equality we would not say that this contributes to equity in any meaningful way, and would soon reject this as a solution. This would imply that we would rather help those at the bottom of the distribution as a means of reducing inequality. So why should we not favour the sickest? It not only appeals to our sense of justice but would reduce socioeconomic health gaps too.

But could the argument above be extended to systematically favouring the poor in healthcare settings? No, because this would be unfair, not only at the individual level but also for healthcare practitioners. It would place an unfair moral burden on a doctor to treat those on the right side of an income threshold.

So I would say then that the role of healthcare should be to provide equitable access to healthcare resources, but that this should entail providing resources that favour treatment for the sickest since this would be a policy that would favour the poorest without placing any unfair restraints on practitioners or patients.

*This post takes a lot from this book, and in particular Amartya Sen’s contribution to it which is also available here.

 
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Posted by on April 16, 2012 in Efficiency and Equity

 

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