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Cannabis and asbestos: The cost-effectiveness of prohibition as health policy

The aim of a health intervention is generally to cause a cost-effective increase to some normative outcome such as by reducing mortality, increasing productivity and so forth. Often policy makers want to encourage or discourage certain behaviours by using incentives or disincentives. One such way the government may intervene is through prohibition. Often drug prohibition is touted as a health policy intervention to prevent harms both clinical and social. However, it is probable that this form of intervention is not cost-effective.

Let’s distinguish prohibition from other forms of disincentivisation by saying that prohibition does nothing to internalise the externality that harmful behaviours create. A tax on cigarettes disincentivises the consumer into smoking less but the revenue can be used against the negative effects of smoking, it is a Pigouvian tax; whereas putting someone in prison compensates no-one. Admittedly such laws are being reformed to help addicts rehabilitate rather than punish them but these programs are not funded by drug use itself.

One of the most widely discussed prohibitions is against cannabis. (I don’t want to wade into any other arguments than whether it is a successful health policy intervention.) A recently, well-publicised study showed that cannabis use in under 18s was associated with a reduction in IQ of less than 1 point. Firstly, I would argue that this paper does not demonstrate causal effects. The authors used OLS with the outcome as adult IQ minus childhood IQ, and the independent variables were cannabis and other drug use. Without delving too deeply into the discussion, there are potential standard error and endogeneity issues.  Second, this effect is quite small. But, other studies show that cannabis is also associated with an approximate 40% increase in the risk of psychosis. Prohibiting it may be a good way of intervening to prevent these negative effects. But what are the costs?

A report suggests that the cost of policing cannabis in the UK is about £500m annually. On top of this there is a possible opportunity cost in not legalising it of about £6.4b from lost revenue. So what is the cost-effectiveness of prohibition in this case? The current prevalence of psychotic disorders is about 5 in 1,000 in the UK. If everyone used cannabis then this could increase to 6 in 1,000 in the worst case that would be around 60,000 cases of psychosis which may equate to a loss of 30,000 QALYs (based on a QALY of 0.475).  This incredibly crude calculation yields a cost per QALY of about £250,000/QALY. There may be other benefits, such as modestly increasing the IQ of a small number of people, but that is certainly not going to be enough to justify the costs. And since only a small proportion of the population uses cannabis regularly this value is going to be many times larger, and certainly over £1m/QALY. Clearly it is not cost-effective.

This may be true of other bans as well. An older report by the World Bank in 1994 suggested that the ban in asbestos in the US valued the cost per statistical life saved at about $49m, much more that the standard compensation workers receive for risk, about $5m per statistical life.

I would think that there would be much more effective ways of spending such sums of money in increasing health and safety and protecting the worker or consumer. This could be through taxes or subsidising substitute products or compensating workers better and internalising the externality. This is not an argument for a free market, just a well regulated one that uses cost-effectiveness policies more effectively.

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Posted by on September 21, 2012 in Economic Evaluation, Public Health

 

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Falling on deaf ears: The government’s disregard for empirical evidence

What’s the point in research if nobody is listening?

Below is a 3-day time-line of events in the UK that demonstrate hypocrisy, ignorance and a disregard of empirical evidence within the UK Government.

07/03/2011: The Government demonstrates its commitment to translational research. Since the previous government there has been a push for partnerships between universities and the NHS, in order to ensure that research can inform health care and policy.

08/03/2011: A paper is published in Economic Affairs entitled “Tobacco Display Bans: A Global Failure”.

09/03/2011: The Government announces that it will be banning tobacco displays.

There are two possibilities here: a) the government does not know about the research, or b) it does not care. However, both possibilities lead to the same conclusion; that the government does not base policy decisions on empirical evidence. This might not come as a surprise; a recent article demonstrates that proposed NHS reforms are not evidence-led either. The Government also ignored evidence of the success of hospital targets in England, causing a 60% rise in hospital test delays in the space of a year.

So what does this mean to us, researchers and academics in health economics? Does it mean that we have no hope of influencing policy? Do we need to find new channels of dissemination?

 
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Posted by on March 11, 2011 in News

 

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The economics of the ‘nudge’: Why the UK government’s new public health policy won’t work

The UK Government recently announced its plans for “Public Health England”, with ‘nudging’ high on the agenda. What the government considers a ‘nudge’ is unclear, though it seems to mean giving people the opportunity to improve their own health. Here’s why I think this is a flawed policy.

As a recent BMJ article pointed out, there appear to be many more ‘nudges’ in the opposite direction. As long as private companies are allowed to push their delicious fatty foods and cigarettes with all the marketing that they desire, it seems that any government ‘nudge’ will be overshadowed. In the UK, the total value of tobacco sales alone was £11.3 billion, while the government suggests a figure of just £4 billion to be ring-fenced for the new public health service. True, Public Health England will be able to spend almost all of this money on ‘nudging’, but with Diageo (the world’s biggest spirit maker) alone pulling in revenue of £7.1 billion and profits of £1.6 billion in 2010/11, it’s hard to see how a measly £4 billion could counteract the industries’ marketing ‘nudges’.

This doesn’t even take in to account the utility individuals gain from scoffing that 3rd bag of Walkers, or guzzling that penultimate pint of cheap lager at last orders. Nor does it take in to account the fact that you really can’t be bothered using that new-cycle-path-shaped ‘nudge’ to get to work tomorrow, or the fact that you’ll have to sacrifice an hour of your valuable leisure time to take your kid to that new playground. Nor does it take in to account the fact that you don’t even have a bike, and you’re too drunk to even notice the ‘nudge’ on that second bottle that says “the average British drinker drinks one glass of wine a night”.

To be fair, I know very little about behavioural economics, and I have not read “Nudge” (though I will). However, my understanding of compensating and equivalent variations tells me that people are going to need some hard-cash-value incentives or disincentives to have them change their behaviour; either that or regulatory restrictions.

So, where does the ‘nudge’ stand in relation to health economics? Is it something that we should be harnessing? Will anybody be trying to evaluate the QALY loss or gain from particular ‘nudges’? Surely we should, otherwise we might be getting ‘nudged’ into accepting a policy that currently has almost no empirical support.

 
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Posted by on March 1, 2011 in Public Health

 

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