Chris Sampson’s journal round-up for 4th February 2019

Every Monday our authors provide a round-up of some of the most recently published peer reviewed articles from the field. We don’t cover everything, or even what’s most important – just a few papers that have interested the author. Visit our Resources page for links to more journals or follow the HealthEconBot. If you’d like to write one of our weekly journal round-ups, get in touch.

Patient choice and provider competition – quality enhancing drivers in primary care? Social Science & Medicine Published 29th January 2019

There’s no shortage of studies in economics claiming to identify the impact (or lack of impact) of competition in the market for health care. The evidence has brought us close to a consensus that greater competition might improve quality, so long as providers don’t compete on price. However, many of these studies aren’t able to demonstrate the mechanism through which competition might improve quality, and the causality is therefore speculative. The research reported in this article was an attempt to see whether the supposed mechanisms for quality improvement actually exist. The authors distinguish between the demand-side mechanisms of competition-increasing quality-improving reforms (i.e. changes in patient behaviour) and the supply-side mechanisms (i.e. changes in provider behaviour), asserting that the supply-side has been neglected in the research.

The study is based on primary care in Sweden’s two largest cities, where patients can choose their primary care practice, which could be a private provider. Key is the fact that patients can switch between providers as often as they like, and with fewer barriers to doing so than in the UK. Prospective patients have access to some published quality indicators. With the goal of maximum variation, the researchers recruited 13 primary health care providers for semi-structured interviews with the practice manager and (in most cases) one or more of the practice GPs. The interview protocol included questions about the organisation of patient visits, information received about patients’ choices, market situation, reimbursement, and working conditions. Interview transcripts were coded and a framework established. Two overarching themes were ‘local market conditions’ and ‘feedback from patient choice’.

Most interviewees did not see competitors in the local market as a threat – conversely, providers are encouraged to cooperate on matters such as public health. Where providers did talk about competing, it was in terms of (speed of) access for patients, or in competition to recruit and keep staff. None of the interviewees were automatically informed of patients being removed from their list, and some managers reported difficulties in actually knowing which patients on their list were still genuinely on it. Even where these data were more readily available, nobody had access to information on reasons for patients leaving. Managers saw greater availability of this information as useful for quality improvement, while GPs tended to think it could be useful in ensuring continuity of care. Still, most expressed no desire to expand their market share. Managers reported using marketing efforts in response to greater competition generally, rather than as a response to observed changes within their practice. But most relied on reputation. Some reported becoming more service-minded as a result of choice reforms.

It seems that practices need more information to be able to act on competitive pressures. But, most practices don’t care about it because they don’t want to expand and they face no risk of there being a shortage of patients (in cities, at least). And, even if they did want to act on the information, chances are it would just create an opportunity for them to improve access as a way of cherry-picking younger and healthier people who demand convenience. Primary care providers (in this study, at least) are not income maximisers, but satisficers (they want to break-even), so there isn’t much scope for reforms to encourage providers to compete for new patients. Patient choice reforms may improve quality, but it isn’t clear that this has anything to do with competitive pressure.

Maximising the impact of patient reported outcome assessment for patients and society. BMJ [PubMed] Published 24th January 2019

Patient-reported outcome measures (PROMs) have been touted as a way of improving patient care. Yet, their use around the world is fragmented. In this paper, the authors make some recommendations about how we might use PROMs to improve patient care. The authors summarise some of the benefits of using PROMs and discuss some of the ways that they’ve been used in the UK.

Five key challenges in the use of PROMs are specified: i) appropriate and consistent selection of the best measures; ii) ethical collection and reporting of PROM data; iii) data collection, analysis, reporting, and interpretation; iv) data logistics; and v) a lack of coordination and efficiency. To address these challenges, the authors recommend an ‘integrated’ approach. To achieve this, stakeholder engagement is important and a governance framework needs to be developed. A handy table of current uses is provided.

I can’t argue with what the paper proposes, but it outlines an idealised scenario rather than any firm and actionable recommendations. What the authors don’t discuss is the fact that the use of PROMs in the UK is flailing. The NHS PROMs programme has been scaled back, measures have been dropped from the QOF, the EQ-5D has been dropped from the GP Patient Survey. Perhaps we need bolder recommendations and new ideas to turn the tide.

Check your checklist: the danger of over- and underestimating the quality of economic evaluations. PharmacoEconomics – Open [PubMed] Published 24th January 2019

This paper outlines the problems associated with misusing methodological and reporting checklists. The author argues that the current number of checklists available in the context of economic evaluation and HTA (13, apparently) is ‘overwhelming’. Three key issues are discussed. First, researchers choose the wrong checklist. A previous review found that the Drummond, CHEC, and Philips checklists were regularly used in the wrong context. Second, checklists can be overinterpreted, resulting in incorrect conclusions. A complete checklist does not mean that a study is perfect, and different features are of varying importance in different studies. Third, checklists are misused, with researchers deciding which items are or aren’t relevant to their study, without guidance.

The author suggests that more guidance is needed and that a checklist for selecting the correct checklist could be the way to go. The issue of updating checklists over time – and who ought to be responsible for this – is also raised.

In general, the tendency seems to be to broaden the scope of general checklists and to develop new checklists for specific methodologies, requiring the application of multiple checklists. As methods develop, they become increasingly specialised and heterogeneous. I think there’s little hope for checklists in this context unless they’re pared down and used as a reminder of the more complex guidance that’s needed to specify suitable methods and achieve adequate reporting. ‘Check your checklist’ is a useful refrain, though I reckon ‘chuck your checklist’ can sometimes be a better strategy.

A systematic review of dimensions evaluating patient experience in chronic illness. Health and Quality of Life Outcomes [PubMed] Published 21st January 2019

Back to PROMs and PRE(xperience)Ms. This study sets out to understand what it is that patient-reported measures are being used to capture in the context of chronic illness. The authors conducted a systematic review, screening 2,375 articles and ultimately including 107 articles that investigated the measurement properties of chronic (physical) illness PROMs and PREMs.

29 questionnaires were about (health-related) quality of life, 19 about functional status or symptoms, 20 on feelings and attitudes about illness, 19 assessing attitudes towards health care, and 20 on patient experience. The authors provide some nice radar charts showing the percentage of questionnaires that included each of 12 dimensions: i) physical, ii) functional, iii) social, iv) psychological, v) illness perceptions, vi) behaviours and coping, vii) effects of treatment, viii) expectations and satisfaction, ix) experience of health care, x) beliefs and adherence to treatment, xi) involvement in health care, and xii) patient’s knowledge.

The study supports the idea that a patient’s lived experience of illness and treatment, and adaptation to that, has been judged to be important in addition to quality of life indicators. The authors recommend that no measure should try to capture everything because there are simply too many concepts that could be included. Rather, researchers should specify the domains of interest and clearly define them for instrument development.

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Chris Sampson’s journal round-up for 2nd July 2018

Every Monday our authors provide a round-up of some of the most recently published peer reviewed articles from the field. We don’t cover everything, or even what’s most important – just a few papers that have interested the author. Visit our Resources page for links to more journals or follow the HealthEconBot. If you’d like to write one of our weekly journal round-ups, get in touch.

Choice in the presence of experts: the role of general practitioners in patients’ hospital choice. Journal of Health Economics [PubMed] [RePEc] Published 26th June 2018

In the UK, patients are in principle free to choose which hospital they use for elective procedures. However, as these choices operate through a GP referral, the extent to which the choice is ‘free’ is limited. The choice set is provided by the GP and thus there are two decision-makers. It’s a classic example of the principal-agent relationship. What’s best for the patient and what’s best for the local health care budget might not align. The focus of this study is on the applied importance of this dynamic and the idea that econometric studies that ignore it – by looking only at patient decision-making or only at GP decision-making – may give bias estimates. The author outlines a two-stage model for the choice process that takes place. Hospital characteristics can affect choices in three ways: i) by only influencing the choice set that the GP presents to the patient, e.g. hospital quality, ii) by only influencing the patient’s choice from the set, e.g. hospital amenities, and iii) by influencing both, e.g. waiting times. The study uses Hospital Episode Statistics for 30,000 hip replacements that took place in 2011/12, referred by 4,721 GPs to 168 hospitals, to examine revealed preferences. The choice set for each patient is not observed, so a key assumption is that all hospitals to which a GP made referrals in the period are included in the choice set presented to patients. The main findings are that both GPs and patients are influenced primarily by distance. GPs are influenced by hospital quality and the budget impact of referrals, while distance and waiting times explain patient choices. For patients, parking spaces seem to be more important than mortality ratios. The results support the notion that patients defer to GPs in assessing quality. In places, it’s difficult to follow what the author did and why they did it. But in essence, the author is looking for (and in most cases finding) reasons not to ignore GPs’ preselection of choice sets when conducting econometric analyses involving patient choice. Econometricians should take note. And policymakers should be asking whether freedom of choice is sensible when patients prioritise parking and when variable GP incentives could give rise to heterogeneous standards of care.

Using evidence from randomised controlled trials in economic models: what information is relevant and is there a minimum amount of sample data required to make decisions? PharmacoEconomics [PubMed] Published 20th June 2018

You’re probably aware of the classic ‘irrelevance of inference’ argument. Statistical significance is irrelevant in deciding whether or not to fund a health technology, because we ought to do whatever we expect to be best on average. This new paper argues the case for irrelevance in other domains, namely multiplicity (e.g. multiple testing) and sample size. With a primer on hypothesis testing, the author sets out the regulatory perspective. Multiplicity inflates the chance of a type I error, so regulators worry about it. That’s why triallists often obsess over primary outcomes (and avoiding multiplicity). But when we build decision models, we rely on all sorts of outcomes from all sorts of studies, and QALYs are never the primary outcome. So what does this mean for reimbursement decision-making? Reimbursement is based on expected net benefit as derived using decision models, which are Bayesian by definition. Within a Bayesian framework of probabilistic sensitivity analysis, data for relevant parameters should never be disregarded on the basis of the status of their collection in a trial, and it is up to the analyst to properly specify a model that properly accounts for the effects of multiplicity and other sources of uncertainty. The author outlines how this operates in three settings: i) estimating treatment effects for rare events, ii) the number of trials available for a meta-analysis, and iii) the estimation of population mean overall survival. It isn’t so much that multiplicity and sample size are irrelevant, as they could inform the analysis, but rather that no data is too weak for a Bayesian analyst.

Life satisfaction, QALYs, and the monetary value of health. Social Science & Medicine [PubMed] Published 18th June 2018

One of this blog’s first ever posts was on the subject of ‘the well-being valuation approach‘ but, to date, I don’t think we’ve ever covered a study in the round-up that uses this method. In essence, the method is about estimating trade-offs between (for example) income and some measure of subjective well-being, or some health condition, in order to estimate the income equivalence for that state. This study attempts to estimate the (Australian) dollar value of QALYs, as measured using the SF-6D. Thus, the study is a rival cousin to the Claxton-esque opportunity cost approach, and a rival sibling to stated preference ‘social value of a QALY’ approaches. The authors are trying to identify a threshold value on the basis of revealed preferences. The analysis is conducted using 14 waves of the Australian HILDA panel, with more than 200,000 person-year responses. A regression model estimates the impact on life satisfaction of income, SF-6D index scores, and the presence of long-term conditions. The authors adopt an instrumental variable approach to try and address the endogeneity of life satisfaction and income, using an indicator of ‘financial worsening’ to approximate an income shock. The estimated value of a QALY is found to be around A$42,000 (~£23,500) over a 2-year period. Over the long-term, it’s higher, at around A$67,000 (~£37,500), because individuals are found to discount money differently to health. The results also demonstrate that individuals are willing to pay around A$2,000 to avoid a long-term condition on top of the value of a QALY. The authors apply their approach to a few examples from the literature to demonstrate the implications of using well-being valuation in the economic evaluation of health care. As with all uses of experienced utility in the health domain, adaptation is a big concern. But a key advantage is that this approach can be easily applied to large sets of survey data, giving powerful results. However, I haven’t quite got my head around how meaningful the results are. SF-6D index values – as used in this study – are generated on the basis of stated preferences. So to what extent are we measuring revealed preferences? And if it’s some combination of stated and revealed preference, how should we interpret willingness to pay values?

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Thesis Thursday: Caroline Vass

On the third Thursday of every month, we speak to a recent graduate about their thesis and their studies. This month’s guest is Dr Caroline Vass who has a PhD from the University of Manchester. If you would like to suggest a candidate for an upcoming Thesis Thursday, get in touch.

Title
Using discrete choice experiments to value benefits and risks in primary care
Supervisors
Katherine Payne, Stephen Campbell, Daniel Rigby
Repository link
https://www.escholar.manchester.ac.uk/uk-ac-man-scw:295629

Are there particular challenges associated with asking people to trade-off risks in a discrete choice experiment?

The challenge of communicating risk in general, not just in DCEs, was one of the things which drew me to the PhD. I’d heard a TED talk discussing a study which asked people’s understanding of weather forecasts. Although most people think they understand a simple statement like “there’s a 30% chance of rain tomorrow”, few people correctly interpreted that as meaning it will rain 30% of the days like tomorrow. Most interpret it to mean there will be rain 30% of the time or in 30% of the area.

My first ever publication was reviewing the risk communication literature, which confirmed our suspicions; even highly educated samples don’t always interpret information as we expect. Therefore, testing if the communication of risk mattered when making trade-offs in a DCE seemed a pretty important topic and formed the overarching research question of my PhD.

Most of your study used data relating to breast cancer screening. What made this a good context in which to explore your research questions?

All women are invited to participate in breast screening (either from a GP referral or at 47-50 years old) in the UK. This makes every woman a potential consumer and a potential ‘patient’. I conducted a lot of qualitative research to ensure the survey text was easily interpretable, and having a disease which many people had heard of made this easier and allowed us to focus on the risk communication formats. My supervisor Prof. Katherine Payne had also been working on a large evaluation of stratified screening which made contacting experts, patients and charities easier.

There are also national screening participation figures so we were able to test if the DCE had any real-world predictive value. Luckily, our estimates weren’t too far off the published uptake rates for the UK!

How did you come to use eye-tracking as a research method, and were there any difficulties in employing a method not widely used in our field?

I have to credit my supervisor Prof. Dan Rigby with planting the seed and introducing me to the method. I did a bit of reading into what psychologists thought you could measure using eye-movements and thought it was worth further investigation. I literally found people publishing with the technology at our institution and knocked on doors until someone would let me use it! If the University of Manchester didn’t already have the equipment, it would have been much more challenging to collect these data.

I then discovered the joys of lab-based work which I think many health economists, fortunately, don’t encounter in their PhDs. The shared bench, people messing with your experiment set-up, restricted lab time which needs to be booked weeks in advance etc. I’m sure it will all be worth it… when the paper is finally published.

What are the key messages from your research in terms of how we ought to be designing DCEs in this context?

I had a bit of a null-result on the risk communication formats, where I found it didn’t affect preferences. I think looking back that might have been with the types of numbers I was presenting (5%, 10%, 20% are easier to understand) and maybe people have a lot of knowledge about the risks of breast screening. It certainly warrants further research to see if my finding holds in other settings. There is a lot of support for visual risk communication formats like icon arrays in other literatures and their addition didn’t seem to do any harm.

Some of the most interesting results came from the think-aloud interviews I conducted with female members of the public. Although I originally wanted to focus on their interpretation of the risk attributes, people started verbalising all sorts of interesting behaviour and strategies. Some of it aligned with economic concepts I hadn’t thought of such as feelings of regret associated with opting-out and discounting both the costs and health benefits of later screens in the programme. But there were also some glaring violations, like ignoring certain attributes, associating cost with quality, using other people’s budget constraints to make choices, and trying to game the survey with protest responses. So perhaps people designing DCEs for benefit-risk trade-offs specifically or in healthcare more generally should be aware that respondents can and do adopt simplifying heuristics. Is this evidence of the benefits of qualitative research in this context? I make that argument here.

Your thesis describes a wealth of research methods and findings, but is there anything that you wish you could have done that you weren’t able to do?

Achieved a larger sample size for my eye-tracking study!